Not likely ... except some days I get a glimpse...
Take my recent visit to a medical laboratory for some blood-tests. The lab was clean; the staff was organized and polite; there was no traffic jam, inside or out.
And I didn't have to pay anything!
Ancient, medieval, Islamic and world history -- comments, resources and discussion.
Not likely ... except some days I get a glimpse...
Take my recent visit to a medical laboratory for some blood-tests. The lab was clean; the staff was organized and polite; there was no traffic jam, inside or out.
And I didn't have to pay anything!
That's twice the official population of the country! Doesn't that give you a different view of what "population" means?
And if there are really that many visitors, what are the chances that every other person you pass walking down the street is one?
Of course, if a Windsorite crosses the border to buy cheaper gas or attend a concert, how does this person count?
Image:Detroit and Windsor in one pic. Yes, it's busy but it's not exactly swarming ...
Today I realized that more or less such authorities are women. And they are not in junior positions -- they are presidents, vice-presidents, deans of their universities, CEOs of tech companies... you name it.
The following excerpt comes from an address to the Canadian Parliament by the President of the European Union, Ursula van der Leyden. There are several points of interest. This speech comes from a German, which to me gives it added weight. It includes details of Canada's involvement in Ukraine which gives some idea of how things look from the other side of the Atlantic. But most of all, it's a full-throated defense of democracy by a top policymaker.
Can anyone imagine such a speech being given two years ago?
Here's the beginning of the speech.
Thank you for welcoming me to the heart of Canada, the home of Canadian democracy. They say hard times reveal true friends. And this is what the European Union and Canada are: true friends. The history of our democracies is tied together. So many Canadians have their family roots in Europe. Many of your parents and grandparents fought in Europe during two World Wars. They were sent to faraway places on the other side of the Ocean. Tens of thousands of them lost their lives in the trenches of Belgium, in the heat of Sicily and on the beaches of Normandy on D-Day. I am a European of German nationality. It was German Nazism and Fascism that brought death and destruction upon Europe and the world. But Allied Forces brought liberty back to all of us. The united democracies freed us from dictatorship. Thus, we owe our democracy also to you, the people of Canada. And we will be forever grateful for the sacrifice your parents and grandparents made, and for the invaluable gift of freedom.
"The Olympics can no more lose money than a man can have a baby."Of course the Montreal Olympics lost millions. And just about everyone quoted Drapeau if they had any motivation to oppose a sports boondogle.
“We’re so self-effacing as Canadians that we sometimes forget the assets we do have that other people see,” he said, speaking with a rare passion.
“We are one of the most stable regimes in history. ... We are unique in that regard,” he added, noting Canada had enjoyed more than 150 years of untroubled Parliamentary democracy.
Just in case that was not enough to persuade doubters, Harper threw in some more facts about the geographically second-largest nation in the world.
“We also have no history of colonialism. So we have all of the things that many people admire about the great powers but none of the things that threaten or bother them,” he said.
The unusual fit of rage with which Saudi Arabia reacted to Canada's routine criticism of the kingdom's human rights situation is a reflection of not just the nature of the current regime in Riyadh, but also of the transitory world order in which we are now living.The diplomatic row, wherein the petulant Saudis have recalled their ambassador from Ottawa and threatened to pull out thousands of their students and patients from Canadian universities and hospitals, is emblematic of a liberal international system that is wobbling, though it still has proponents.By now, it is evident that the Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman is a hardliner who does not brook any dissent against the kingdom's monarchical absolutism. His loosening of social restrictions on Saudi women and imposition of restraints on the conservative Wahhabi clerical establishment impressed many, but political persecution of activists has simultaneously increased since the 32-year-old Salman became the de facto king in 2017. The liberalisation Salman is overseeing through measures like introducing cinema to an entertainment-starved Saudi society is a controlled experiment, with no room for political opening-up.
The assumption behind his diplomatic tussle against Canada seems to be that the liberal world order has already caved in, and authoritarian governments now have untrammelled freedom to crush dissent at home and browbeat opponents abroad. The Saudi reckoning appears to be that with Trump heading the anti-liberal camp and several right-wing populist European countries joining it, the time is ripe to vigorously counter and corner liberal holdouts like Canada.
Going by the detached American — and even British — attitude to the Saudi diplomatic offensive against Canada, Riyadh might reason that Trudeau is indeed marginalized in the emerging new international system. The fact that Canada's historic allies have not lined up solidly behind Trudeau as he locks horns with Salman does indicate Canada's relative isolation. It also speaks volumes about the liberal versus conservative/populist polarization sharply dividing Western democracies, which had hitherto formed a fairly coherent ideological bloc.
By escalating the row with Canada, Salman has attracted adverse international publicity to Saudi Arabia's jailing and ill-treatment of young human rights activists like Samar and Raif Badawi. Ironically, the unwanted foreign attention from which Salman seeks to shield Saudi Arabia is likely to intensify as a result of his Canadian misadventure, not lessen.
It is far from a foregone conclusion that liberalism has completely lost its international ideological hold. No one can be sure of the final result of what is shaping up to be a zigzag tug-of-war between liberalism and populism.It is quite possible to exaggerate Canada's role in the world. But in this case I think, "What would Canada, North America, the world be like if Stephen Harper had won the last election?" It sends chills up and down the spine!
Not only is the donor putting up $2 million, but the university is doubling that.The university announced today that it's establishing an academic chair for the study of conjuring arts with a $2-million donation from the Slaight Family Foundation.The school says academic subjects that have been connected to the conjuring arts include psychology, political persuasion, literature, and the history of warfare.Carleton interim president Alastair Summerlee says magicians have historically been influential figures, and it's important for societies to understand how they might be deceived.The chair is named for philanthropist Allan Slaight, who has had a lifelong interest in magic.He recently donated a collection of magic posters and Houdini paraphernalia to Montreal's McCord Museum.Carleton says a search committee will soon begin recruitment for the new position.The Canadian Press
The segment was an interview with Ian MacKay, one of the authors of "The Vimy Trap." According to MacKay, there was no surge of Canadian nationalism connected with Vimy. As late as the 1930s, the overwhelming evaluation of the war, especially among those who fought it, was that the Great War was a futile catastrophe and that peace was a necessity. Two people who felt strongly that way were two future prime ministers, John Diefenbaker (Conservative) and Lester Pearson (Liberal and recipient of the Nobel Peace Prize). They like many others made no connection between the Great War and the growth of Canadian nationalism and sovereignty. Canada's military history is not universally lauded as an encouragement to nationalism. In both world wars, for instance, French Canadians were extremely skeptical of the need to support the British Empire, for obvious reasons (note the Seven Years War otherwise known as "the Conquest" and Canadian participation in the South African (Boer) War.)It wasn't until April, 1917, the story goes, when Canada stormed a battlefield in the North of France and seized a hill that had been held by the German army, that the country came of age, emerging as a united, resourceful, vigorous and valourous 50-year-old nation.
The Canadians were given little chance of taking Vimy Ridge from the Germans. But the four divisions of the Canadian Expeditionary Force — all fighting together for the first time in the Great War — hurled an awesome artillery barrage at the German position and surged across the battlefield, forcing the Germans to retreat.
After a four-day battle, nearly 36-hundred Canadian soldiers lay dead in the cold, corpse-littered muck and slime, and 7-thousand more were wounded. But they held the Ridge and helped shift the course of the war toward an Allied victory.Since that time, Canadian politicians have seized on the Vimy victory, as a symbol of Canada's coming-of-age, o f its independence from Britain, as the smithy in which Canadian nationhood was forged.
Eight hours after I was born, the directors of the Canadian National Exhibition filed into a banquet hall for their annual luncheon. The exhibition’s president, W.H. Evans, asked them to remain standing to sing the national anthem – and then chaos ensued, as half the audience broke into God Save the Queen before the pianist had struck the first note of O Canada. A debate over Canada’s true national anthem, begun in 1964, had been winding its way through a special House of Commons-Senate joint committee all year and filling the media with debate. It wouldn’t fully be resolved until a law was passed in 1980, and many people (especially in Toronto) still considered the British national anthem “official.”
In that light, 1967 can only be seen as the apex of Canada’s postcolonial moment. The wars over symbols were one small manifestation of a larger shift. It’s worth remembering how new this all was. We still remained, in important ways, a colony. In 1967, Canadian citizenship had only existed for 20 years – before January 1, 1947, everyone in Canada was a British subject and had to travel with a United Kingdom passport. But it still didn’t quite exist: That 1947 law creating Canadian citizenship declared in its main clause that “a Canadian citizen is a British subject” (this would remain in place until 1977). That idea was still hotly defended by many in the Ottawa of 1967: The Progressive Conservative leadership still opposed Canadian citizenship, and the flag, and the anthem. There was still a sizable political faction in Canada who supported the idea that all Canadians were simply a slightly different, less important flavour of British people. But the great majority of Canadians had moved on – or moved in – and you could see the centennial struggling to catch up with them.Back in the 1980s, I told my history class that the disappearance of "the Romans" from Britain was less like an invasion and more like the elimination of "a Canadian citizen is a British subject" from the passport. This passed right over their heads, since they'd never seen such a passport.